घरविचार जो आतंकवाद को बढ़ावा देते हैंशिक्षाएटलस विश्वविद्यालय
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विचार जो आतंकवाद को बढ़ावा देते हैं

विचार जो आतंकवाद को बढ़ावा देते हैं

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March 22, 2016

Editor’s note: The following remarks were delivered by David Kelley, founder of The Atlas Society, on  May 14, 2005, at the March against Terror, sponsored by the Free Muslims Coalition. They are republished now in the face of the advances and threats posed by ISIS.

April/May 2005 --  I am not a Muslim. Nor am I a Christian, or a Jew. My philosophy of life, Objectivism , is a secular philosophy. But we are gathered here to protest the evil of terrorism in the name of values that transcend differences in religion and worldview.

ISIS Obama terrorism Objectivism libertarian foreign policy combatting

The most virulent form of terrorism in the world today is perpetrated by Islamic extremists. And the first thing to say about them is that they represent sheer, unmitigated evil. To watch the collapse of the World Trade Center on September 11, 2001, and the deaths of 3,000 people, including the horrifying deaths of those who jumped to escape the searing flames… to watch the brave people of Iraq being blown apart as they drive their children to school, as they wait in lines to enlist in the police force, as they try to build a democratic society… to know that the grotesque and obscene beheading of innocent victims is being filmed by the perpetrators and proudly aired on the Internet… to grieve with the parents of hundreds of schoolchildren who were taken hostage and killed in Beslan, Russia…. to witness these things is to see the face of evil. We are dealing with evil men and evil deeds, for which there can be no excuses, no justifications, no explaining away.

To witness these things is to see the face of evil.

The terrorists claim that violent jihad is the true path of Islam. I do not believe this for a minute. But I am not a Muslim. I have studied Islam and the history of Islamic civilization, but I am not a believer, I have not absorbed its traditions and practices, I do not know it from the inside. So it is not for me to say what is and is not part of Islam. Since 9/11, many people who knew nothing about Islam before have taken to citing passages from the Quran, either to prove that it does call for violent jihad or to prove instead that Islam is a religion of peace and tolerance. But you can't tell what a religion means by citing passages out of context. Christians, too, can cite passages in the Bible to support different ideas about their religion. Like Christianity, and Judaism, and the other world religions that have endured for centuries, Islam includes many different sects and interpretations. Within the broad outlines of Islamic doctrine, the pillars of the faith, the meaning of Islam is a function of what it actually means to those who believe it, practice it, and study it.

The meaning of Islam is for Muslims themselves to determine in their thoughts and actions. If they believe that violent jihad is not compatible with Islam, then they are the ones who have the power, and the responsibility, for making it so. They and they alone must define what the religion means in the world today. But only if they make their viewpoint known. Unfortunately, it is the Islamists who have so far had the loudest voice. That's why it's vitally important for Muslims themselves to speak out against the terrorists and reject their actions as evil—absolutely evil, no ifs, ands, or buts. Too many Islamic spokesmen have taken "Yes, but" attitudes: Yes, the violence is wrong but Palestinians are still oppressed… or Yes, but there is still discrimination against Arab-Americans… or Yes, whatever. Well, yes indeed, these issues deserve our attention. But they do not justify or excuse murder and destruction. The "Yes, but" statements serve only to praise the terrorists with faint damns.

I salute Kamal Nawash for the absolute, unqualified stand he has taken, and for his courage and commitment in speaking out. I salute the Free Muslims Against Terrorism for sponsoring this rally. I urge everyone to support them and make common cause with them.

There is more to that cause than taking a stand against the terrorists, important as that is. The war on jihadist terrorism is a battle of ideas, a battle against the ideology of Islamism from which the terrorists emerged.

Though Osama bin Laden and other terrorists constantly invoke the Islamic past, their ideology is actually a modern one. It has more in common with fundamentalist movements in other religions, and with secular totalitarian ideologies like Marxism, than with any historic school of Islamic thought. What all of these movements have in common is a hatred for the values of modern liberal society, values that we in America tend to take for granted because they are so much a part of our culture.

The Islamists, like the communist and fascist totalitarians, hate individualism. There is no room in their worldview for individual freedom of thought, or for the pursuit of individual happiness. Mawlana Mawdudi, founder of Jama`at-i Islami in India and Pakistan and one of the most important and influential theorists of Islamism, advocated a theocratic state in which, as he said, "no one can regard any field of his affairs as personal and private. Considered from this aspect the Islamic state bears a kind of resemblance to the Fascist and Communist states." The Islamists want a society of rigid orthodoxy and censorship, just as communists sought to enforce Marxist dogmas and punish deviants.

The Islamists, like fundamentalists of any religion, are afraid of reason, science, and free intellectual inquiry. Just as Protestant fundamentalism was a reaction to modern science—it was created in the early 20th century by people who opposed Darwin's theory of evolution—Islamists want to isolate themselves and their societies from the encroachment of modern ideas. Over a thousand years ago, the first great philosopher of Islam, Al-Kindi, urged people to seek truth from 'whatever source it has [emanated], even if it should emanate from races distant from us and nations different from us." That is not the attitude of the Islamists. As Ayatollah Khomeini said, "We are not afraid of economic sanctions or military intervention. What we are afraid of is Western universities." And so, in Iran after Khomeini's coup, universities were purged and many were closed, with non-Islamic faculty dismissed, jailed, or executed.

The Islamists, like many other fundamentalists and like all totalitarians, are opposed to secular political institutions: democracy, individual rights, the rule of law, freedom of religion and speech. They believe in a higher law which they alone are qualified to understand and which they have the right to enforce.

I salute the Free Muslims Coalition and urge everyone to support them.

They oppose economic freedom, trade, and progress. Bin Laden speaks of Westerners as "crusaders" and "colonialists." But on September 11, al-Qaeda did not target the Vatican, the capital of Western Christianity whose leaders launched the Crusades. They did not attack the British Foreign Office, which directed colonial policy in the Middle East after World War I. They attacked the World Trade Center, the proud symbol of engineering audacity and global commerce, where businesses from scores of countries (including many Muslim countries) worked in freedom and peace, creating wealth and investing in material progress. Their target, in short, was a temple of commerce. In the same way, the suicide bombers of Hamas usually attack Israeli pizza parlors, hotels, nightclubs, not synagogues.

Ultimately, Islamism is not a positive vision of a good society. Beyond the slogans of imposing sharia and the fantasy of restoring the caliphate, Islamists have no real political philosophy or program, and in the few places like Afghanistan where their ideas have been put into practice, the result has been chaos, poverty, and oppression. Islamism is essentially a negative movement, a movement of hostile opposition to the modern world. And, at the extreme, it descends into sheer nihilistic destruction and cult of death, the glorification of killing themselves as well as others, the reveling in gruesome bloody spectacle that is more decadent and degraded than the worst filth coming out of Hollywood.

Those are the ideas that spawned the terrorists: the hatred of individualism, of reason, of progress, of capitalism, of freedom and secular government. Those are the very sources of modern civilization, the sources of all the benefits that we enjoy in America, the benefits we would like to see enjoyed by people everywhere. This is not a conflict between Islam and the West. It is a conflict within the Islamic world, and within the West, between those who accept the values of modern civilization and the nihilists who reject them.

I appeal to all those, of any creed or philosophy, who stand for human life and happiness, for freedom, for progress and for its source—the free exercise of reason—to join in opposing those who want to control the mind, roll back progress, stifle freedom—and who are willing to kill and maim to do so.

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About the author:
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David Kelley a fondé The Atlas Society (TAS) en 1990 et a occupé le poste de directeur exécutif jusqu'en 2016. De plus, en tant que directeur intellectuel, il était chargé de superviser le contenu produit par l'organisation : articles, vidéos, conférences, etc. Retraité de TAS en 2018, il reste actif dans les projets TAS et continue de siéger au conseil d'administration.

Kelley est philosophe, enseignante et écrivaine professionnelle. Après avoir obtenu un doctorat en philosophie à l'université de Princeton en 1975, il a rejoint le département de philosophie du Vassar College, où il a enseigné une grande variété de cours à tous les niveaux. Il a également enseigné la philosophie à l'université Brandeis et a souvent donné des conférences sur d'autres campus.

Les écrits philosophiques de Kelley comprennent des œuvres originales en éthique, en épistémologie et en politique, dont beaucoup développent des idées objectivistes avec une profondeur et des orientations nouvelles. Il est l'auteur de L'évidence des sens, un traité d'épistémologie ; Vérité et tolérance dans l'objectivisme, sur des questions relatives au mouvement objectiviste ; L'individualisme brut : la base égoïste de la bienveillance; et L'art du raisonnement, un manuel d'introduction à la logique largement utilisé, qui en est à sa 5e édition.

Kelley a donné des conférences et publié sur un large éventail de sujets politiques et culturels. Ses articles sur les questions sociales et les politiques publiques ont été publiés dans Harpers, The Sciences, Reason, Harvard Business Review, The Freeman, On Principle, et ailleurs. Au cours des années 1980, il a écrit fréquemment pour Magazine financier et commercial Barrons sur des questions telles que l'égalitarisme, l'immigration, les lois sur le salaire minimum et la sécurité sociale.

Son livre Une vie personnelle : les droits individuels et l'État social est une critique des prémisses morales de l'État social et de la défense d'alternatives privées qui préservent l'autonomie, la responsabilité et la dignité individuelles. Son apparition dans l'émission télévisée « Greed » de John Stossel sur ABC/TV en 1998 a suscité un débat national sur l'éthique du capitalisme.

Expert de renommée internationale en matière d'objectivisme, il a donné de nombreuses conférences sur Ayn Rand, ses idées et ses œuvres. Il a été consultant pour l'adaptation cinématographique de Atlas haussa les épaules, et rédacteur en chef de Atlas Shrugged : le roman, les films, la philosophie.

 

Œuvre majeure (sélectionnée) :

»Concepts et natures : un commentaire sur Le tournant réaliste (par Douglas B. Rasmussen et Douglas J. Den Uyl), » Reason Papers 42, no. 1, (été 2021) ; Cette critique d'un livre récent inclut une plongée approfondie dans l'ontologie et l'épistémologie des concepts.

Les fondements de la connaissance. Six conférences sur l'épistémologie objectiviste.

»La primauté de l'existence» et »L'épistémologie de la perception», The Jefferson School, San Diego, juillet 1985

»Universels et induction», deux conférences lors de conférences du GKRH, Dallas et Ann Arbor, mars 1989

»Scepticisme», Université York, Toronto, 1987

»La nature du libre arbitre», deux conférences au Portland Institute, octobre 1986

»Le parti de la modernité», Rapport sur la politique de Cato, mai/juin 2003 ; et Navigateur, novembre 2003 ; Un article largement cité sur les divisions culturelles entre les points de vue pré-modernes, modernes (Lumières) et postmodernes.

«Je n'ai pas à« (Journal IOS, volume 6, numéro 1, avril 1996) et »Je peux et je le ferai» (Le nouvel individualiste, automne/hiver 2011) ; des articles complémentaires sur la concrétisation du contrôle que nous avons sur notre vie en tant qu'individus.

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